democracy

“Democracy cannot be taken for granted, it’s fragile, and everyone must work to keep it going.” Participants agreed that even though the 2020 U.S. presidential election turned the tide for right-wing populism, those who hold democratic values must not become complacent. Narratives and political leadership are critical to upholding democracy but can also be key factors in democratic backsliding.

Although democracy eventually prevailed in the U.S., we must not forget that half of the voters were satisfied with the policies of the outgoing administration. This, in turn, suggests that the emotions which brought right-wing populism to power have not receded. One of the participants summed it up neatly by saying that democracy “comes in layers,” and even after the top layer is fixed, the deeper ones might still be corrupt. He warned that as people come out of the pandemic their discontent may once again explode. The power that former president Donald Trump still has over the Republican Party and the unyielding support he enjoys among its electoral base – one can still see “Trump 2020” signs on many lawns across America – do not bode well for the future of the transatlantic relationship.

One of the major factors driving people into the arms of populists is political polarization. In a world in which political – or partisan – identity trumps any other aspect of who we are, political debate, not to say compromise, becomes impossible. And a major cause behind this deepening polarization is technology.

“We focus a lot on how to fight fascism, but the main issue is how it occurs and how societies go to the extremes. Technology enables polarization”, one participant said, and went on to conclude that “we need to figure out how technology can bridge differences instead of aggravating tensions.” Another person, however, offered a more nuanced view. Although new means of communication failed to create a truly democratic, global public sphere, we need to think of viable alternatives. It is impossible to turn the world back into what it was before the Internet. Nor would it be desirable.

“There are people who would like to come back to the times when media was dominated by three TV channels. But perhaps we need more diversity, more competition of ideas.” Diversity, this person argued, allows us to better see social injustices and conflicts which would have never entered the public discourse if information came only from a limited number of sources.

The internet, indeed, broadened the scope of public debate and allowed those marginalized to tell their stories. At the same time, however, it removed the “gatekeepers” and thus opened the door for disinformation to spread. And, as some participants argued, without successfully tackling disinformation democracy will not survive.

“We need to take into account what happens if the political narrative is driven by falsehoods,” one said. Another added that “people are powerless against their misinformation campaigns” quite often inspired and financed by authoritarian governments.

The moderator – referring to the article, “How to Put Out Democracy’s Dumpster Fire” by Anne Applebaum and Peter Pomerantsev – introduced the idea of “rebuilding a civically healthier internet” and asked whether the EU and U.S. can work hand-in-hand on this venture.

Some participants argued that such cooperation is possible, that we should start with at least some common “building blocks,” and that regulating the use of new technologies is of utmost importance, as the sphere is now like the “Wild West.” Some, however, were more skeptical. One person said that instead of striving for identical regulations on both sides of the Atlantic, we should work on “harmonized” approaches, based on the same values and goals.

Recommendations for strengthening democracy:

  • Protect democracies by countering foreign manipulation, fighting corruption, preventing democratic backsliding and by committing to universal human rights.

  • Increase support for civil society to keep it vibrant at home and abroad.

  • Protect election integrity, voting rights, and facilitating political participation.

  • Support local media as a check on local politicians and credible source of information which would otherwise go unreported.

  • Counter the appeal of authoritarianism, especially from Russia and China.

NextGen Insight:

Strengthening Transatlantic Civil Society: The Key to Reinvigorating the U.S.-EU Bond

by Zhikica (Zach) Pagovski

the current state of play

The world is experiencing its 15th consecutive year of global freedom decline and democratic backsliding. This trend certainly impacts the transatlantic community. On January 6, 2021, a group of enraged protesters entered the temple of U.S. democracy to overturn a process to confirm a democratically elected president. In Hungary, a series of emergency measures due to COVID-19 allowed the government to rule by decree and to withdraw financial assistance from municipalities led by opposition parties.[1]

The previous U.S. administration has significantly shaken the sense of stable transatlantic relations. President Trump reinforced a damaging narrative among the American public that the EU states were "ripping off" the U.S. The value of transatlantic institutions and networks, such as NATO, was questioned by some U.S. policy elites, while investments into a strong and viable transatlantic community have declined. While the Biden administration is trying to heal the political divide after contested elections in 2020, the country is still facing voter discrimination, racism, sexism, and gun violence. Civil society groups such as Fair Fight Action, Black Lives Matter movement, Women's March, and March for our Lives are stepping up to help advocate and resolve some of those challenges.

Europe is facing internal divisions among member states on various foreign policy issues, including a common approach towards Russia and China. This certainly affects the EU standing as a strong transatlantic actor. While many civil society groups in Europe stood up to condemn human rights violations abroad in Russia and Belarus, some EU member states rushed to quickly pass legislation to limit the rights of the LGBTQ community.

The social fragmentations, divisions, and gaps on both continents are now wider than ever before. While civil society actors are rising to the occasion and aiming to help address those challenges on both continents, continuous investment into a vital civil society is needed now, more than ever before.

The Benefits of a Strong Civil Society

Generally, civil society stakeholders have been essential players in shaping transatlantic relations and advancing areas of common interest. Civil society actors contributed to deepening mutual understanding and affinity between the people of the U.S. and the EU. They have also exchanged experiences, best practices, and knowledge that advanced specific policies on trade, climate, human rights, technology, etc. Epistemic communities on both sides of the Atlantic improved ties between governments. They productively complemented the policy-making processes between official government institutions while focusing on the ordinary citizen. 

A vibrant and interconnected civil society is the stronghold of the shared transatlantic values (liberalism, democracy, and cooperation), contributing to the peace, stability, and prosperity in the region since WWII. It increases the prospects of an effective participatory democracy and eventually reduces some of the existing societal fragmentations and conflict in the U.S. and across the EU. An engaged civil society will hold governments transparent and accountable, promote the rule of law and human rights, fight corruption, and support free and fair elections. In addition to the active political role, civil society could bring progress in other spheres, including market economy, the environment, and the technology sector. Civil society actors blend expert voices and public opinion and substantially improve various policy outcomes. 

A New Wave of Optimism

There are some positive signs for the transatlantic civil society after the election of Joe Biden as U.S. president. First, the U.S. is committed to reengaging with its European allies, forging a robust and common agenda with the EU. Second, the advancement of democracy and civil society is envisioned to become the cornerstone for this reengagement.

President Biden has placed democracy at the front and center of his foreign policy agenda, recognizing the importance of dynamic civil society in achieving strength and vitality at home and abroad.[2] His administration is currently preparing to organize a Global Summit for Democracy to ensure broad cooperation among allies and partners on the shared interests and values.

It is important to note that EU member states have also launched a similar policy direction by adopting the EU Action Plan on Human Rights and Democracy 2020-2024.[3] The action plan recognizes the crucial role that civil society plays in multilateral relations, contributing to achieving EU domestic and foreign policy priorities. It is important to emphasize that the EU also committed to frequently engage with civil society on the overall implementation of this action plan. After the election of President Biden, the EU Council and Parliament also issued a joint communique, titled A new EU-US agenda for global change highlighting the importance of collaborative EU-U.S. efforts in strengthening democracy around the world.

 All of those prior efforts culminated on June 15, 2021, at the EU-US summit, when U.S. President Biden and top EU officials committed to renew the transatlantic alliance. Both governments issued a joint statement obliging to take specific measures in protecting civil society and civic space and "to support the ability of civil society and independent media to operate freely" while urging Russia to stop its continuous crackdown on civil society.[4] Those strong statements and commitments are painting a better picture for the state of civil society across the Atlantic. However, now is the time to act boldly and show clear intentions to strengthen civil society at home and abroad. Here there are some action-oriented recommendations and clear steps for implementation that the transatlantic community should consider: 

1. Restore Faith in Transatlantic Institutions: Some of the U.S. actions during the Trump presidency were detrimental to multilateral and transatlantic institutions. President Trump left the Paris Climate Accord in the midst of a climate crisis and the World Health Organization in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic. He was also an outspoken critique of transatlantic institutions, questioning the role of NATO and announcing the withdrawal of 12,000 U.S. troops from Germany. In addition to this, the U.S. unilaterally left the Iran nuclear deal without any coordination with the NATO allies and started a de facto trade war with Europe. Even though newly elected President Biden has taken a step to reverse all the above-mentioned actions, a lot of damage has already been inflicted to the current transatlantic institutions and structures, especially by the decrease of trust by the ordinary citizen. 

Now is the time to intensify the public diplomacy effort by the U.S. government, the EU, European national governments, and NATO to reemphasize the core transatlantic values and mutual benefits. This would help shift public opinion in support of transatlanticism, and change any negative perceptions caused during the Trump era. Civil society groups, non-governmental organizations, business groups, and think tanks could be instrumental in those efforts. The current narrative that is limited to the security cooperation as a driver of transatlantic relations should also change to allude to the other shared values and benefits, including democracy, economic prosperity, and protection of the environment. The need to revamp the current narrative that primarily characterizes the transatlantic space as a security community comes from the fact that many of the social movements on other issues (e.g., climate, human rights) have resonated much better on both sides of the Atlantic. For example, Greta Thunberg's School Strike for Climate sparked intense climate activism on both continents.

In addition to this, transatlantic institutions should work together with civil society actors to help reinvigorate the U.S.-EU relationship. Hence, NATO should be more regularly engaging civil society groups across the Atlantic on issues related to human security and the inclusion of the gender perspective in its missions. For example, NATO should consider establishing a civil society working group that would include civil advocates and experts on gender issues that would directly advise the IMS Office of the Gender Advisor. This would enable the progress achieved by the U.S. and European gender movements to help strengthen the Alliance and contribute to the furtherance of the UN's Woman, Peace, and Security agenda.

Last year, the EU adopted its 2020-2024 Action Plan on Human Rights and Democracy. This document recognized the shrinking space for civil society and communicated a commitment of the EU to work with civil society partners in delivering sustainable change and monitoring and reviewing the progress. However, the framework and levels of this engagement between the EU and civil society actors remain undefined and ambiguous. Hence, the EU Special Representative for Human Rights should present the specific engagement guidelines with European civil society stakeholders, provide venues for open access, and encourage more civil society groups and actors to participate in the Action Plan's implementation process. This would inevitably strengthen the civil society and ensure successful implementations of the proposed milestones.  

2. Invest in Civil Society Networks and Projects: Civil Society initiatives create bridges between transatlantic institutions and people-to-people networks by promoting cultural and educational exchanges and joint projects. [5] Also, transatlantic interest groups forge common positions that support and advocate on issues central to the negotiations between various levels of government. Hence, instruments for joint civil society dialogues and projects should be firmly supported by both the U.S. and EU institutions. Currently, there are various unilateral and bilateral frameworks and programs that support collaboration in academia, science, technology, and research (e.g., Agreement for Scientific and Technological Cooperation and Horizon 2020). However, there is a lack of support on dialogues and exchanges on mainstream and timely civil society issues concerning human rights, technology, and the environment.

The EU piloted a model of supporting those types of transatlantic projects by providing a modest budget of EUR 800,000 in 2015 and EUR600,000 in 2017 to support organizations tackling social resilience, climate, and consumer rights issues. Even though those two funding iterations generated successful projects in stimulating dialogue and cooperation between non-governmental organizations and interest groups, the EU could not offer more than EUR 400,000 for the 2020's request for proposal.

Building on this model, the U.S. and EU should establish a much bigger joint Fund to support dialogue and collaboration of civil society stakeholders. This Fund should support a wider range of issues, including democracy, human rights, technology, and public health issues. Considering the multilayered structure of the transatlantic civil society, the Fund should be inclusive to stakeholders that are not necessarily registered NGOs or formal institutions. Individuals, networks, movements, and interest groups should all be eligible to submit projects and ideas for consideration and further transatlantic dialogue. This Fund could be co-managed by the U.S. Department of State and the European Commission or through an independent entity. A clear application and review process should be established to ensure inclusive and fair consideration of all the submitted ideas. This Fund will be instrumental in reinvigorating the transatlantic civil society and demonstrating a clear commitment by the respective governments to connect people, activities, and projects across the Atlantic. This Fund will help find common grounds, identify solutions, exchange best practices, and bridge the internal division within our societies.

3. Promote Diversity and Inclusion: The change of demographics in the U.S. and Europe requires that the transatlantic structures start institutionalizing diversity and inclusion in a more organized manner. Civil society groups are at the forefront in defending democracy and liberalism and are the foremost advocates for minority rights. Those movements are most vocal in protecting marginalized and vulnerable populations. 

The momentum reached in the U.S. in the wake of the Black Lives Matter movement had a strong impact and significance in Europe. In addition to this, President Biden has also appointed the most diverse cabinet ever in U.S. history, putting pressure on European governments to rethink their current diversity, equity, and inclusion approach. Those events and actions have demonstrated "that the bar has been raised to make policy-shaping and -making more diverse and inclusive."[6] The key now is to convert these overwhelming "responses into change, effectively representing democracy-strengthening diversity in institutions and discourse".[7]

On the higher level, European governments will need to be more inclusive in appointing diverse cabinet members on critical posts. Institutions such as the European Union and NATO will need to better institutionalize diversity and inclusion practices that promote a more diverse staff and policies. Also, European institutions will need to have a more inclusive view of diversity, going beyond the concept of gender inclusion, and factoring other demographic characteristics such as race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and cultural background. With the inflow of migrants and the changing demographics on the old continent, European governments will need to be more inclusive with younger and racially diverse populations. Transatlantic intuitions can learn and do a lot on this front by working with civil society actors.     

4. Support Active Civil Society Aboard: Vital transatlantic civil society cannot survive in a vacuum. Support of civil society actors on Europe's frontier and globally is necessary to reverse the trend of democratic backsliding worldwide. For example, by not providing robust support of the civil society movements in Belarus during the 2020 protest against the Lukashenko regime, the U.S. and EU missed an opportunity for more democratic and prosperous changes within the country. Beyond imposing sanctions, the transatlantic community should have provided more vigorous support to a civil society with coaching, technology transfers, and financial resources.[8]

Hence, the U.S. and EU should cooperate in determining the key regions that require civil society support and have a coordinated approach in responding to emerging assaults against civil society actors and movements. At the same time, the U.S. and European governments should significantly increase their resources and maintain long-term, sustainable methods to supporting civil society and preventing possible democratic backsliding.

The Future Outlook

Historically, civil society movements on both sides of the Atlantic have been having a crucial role in advancing democracy and human rights and bringing positive changes. The civil rights movement in the 1960’s helped to eliminate segregation and gain equal rights for the African American community. Sixty years later, voting rights movements in Georgia and around the U.S. saved the transatlantic relations by facilitating the election of Joe Biden and changing the balance of power in the Senate.

Civil society will now play a crucial role in repairing and reinvigorating the transatlantic bond, thus fortifying the values that we hold dear: democracy, liberalism, and cooperation. Recognizing the role and increasing the support of civil society would result in a more prosperous transatlantic community.